It is with great sadness that we were forced to close the doors of The Daily News Egypt, Cairo’s preeminent and only independent English language newspaper.

The DNE was conceived seven years ago when a group of Egypt loving business people, got together to achieve a single objective - raise the standard of English language journalismin Egypt and make it relevant to the times.  We did this with considerable anxiety. It was clear back then that media was a high-risk business, and the newspaper industry worldwide seemed to be struggling.  Moreover, wewere launching an English paper in a country where so few spoke the language; there was no doubt that we would struggle with low readership figures. However, we were committed from an intellectual, cultural and emotional point of view. An English daily would be so important for Egypt, especially when the only available alternative was a state-owned newspaper.  The DNE would take its place in a country where tourism was a key sector, and cater to its young population, expats, visitors and bilingual speakers in a way like never before.  Indeed, we had romantic notions for what this newspaper could be and proceeded despite the business hurdles and risks.

We believed in the Editor and the Writers, who were very passionate about their work.  We could not be more proud of the recognition they achieved, especially post-Revolution, and the outstanding body of work they leave as their legacy in a digital archive for future readers.  Given the dramatic political and social events that unfolded in Egypt consistently since January 2011, The DNE archives will be read by people around the world interested in learning more about the nation’s history and struggle.

We injected millions of pounds into The Daily News Egypt during the course of its life, and never took a single penny out.  We never claimed expenses, salaries, dividends, royalties or payment of any kind.  Our objective was for the newspaper to eventually cover its costs.  In 2009 the company nearly broke even, after years of the investors having to constantly re-inject capital into the business.  This turning point was important for the owners who had been funding the company from their personal capital with no clear sign of when the financial burden would end.

The short-lived stability was to end in 2011 with the Revolution.  The events in Egypt were so large in scale that the investors agreed, once again, to carry the business through the hard times.  Advertising revenues were down a whopping 75% in 2011.Despite that, investors managed all concerns on the business side so that DNE’s staff could focus on reporting the events to the world from the front-line.  We witnessed our team flourish, performing their journalistic roles with impressive professionalism and credibility.  The investors made sure the team was able to work freely without having to deal with the mounting pressures of the business; salaries and bills were always paid on time and without fail.  Needless to say, the investors faced monthly losses in the hundreds of thousands so that the newspaper could continue its work.  Around this time, and as a preemptive move against the possibility of the newspaper having to close down, negotiations were initiated with individuals, companies and media groups to save the paper. No stone was left unturned, but sadly no offers were made either.  The concern at this grave stage was purely the welfare of the employees and the preservation of the product. None of the investors expected a recovery of their investment, nor did they even suggest it. After months of grueling negotiations, last-ditch efforts and desperate measures the funds – and time - had run out.

The decision to close down was not taken lightly. On the contrary, it was painful and difficult.  The investors supported the newspaper until it was simply not possible to do so any longer.  Our pride in what we built remains, however, and both the commercial and editorial teamsof The Daily News Egyptare a credit to journalism and Egypt.  We wish everyone associated with The Daily News Egypt the best of luck in their future projects. Creating this newspaper with them has been a great experience. 

Egyptian Media Services

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Street children make up around 8 percent of paid and unpaid labor, according to latest studies.

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CAIRO: For long street children have been subject to abuse, humiliation and immense poverty. They also face greater risks of illegal detention and are the most subjected to police brutality, experts say.

Street children make up around 8 percent of paid and unpaid labor, according to latest studies.

On April 12, several NGOs and human rights activists volunteered to mark the International Day for Street Children to kick off an awareness campaign about their rights and to shed light on their true personalities.

“This is not really a celebration of the day; our main goal is to attract as many people we can to shed light on the reality of street children and to reengage the children with a society that has shunned them,” said Mai Gad Allah, manager of the Save the Children NGO.

“The reason these children are in the street is a consequence of a series of failures our society has been committing, these children are violated everyday, they are put in very harsh conditions that even adults cannot handle and our goal is to show their childhood and that they are exceptional given the circumstances they live in,” she added.

Representatives and volunteers from Resala, Save the Children, Banaty, On the Curb and Tissue Box NGOs gathered with the children and formed a human chain extending from Mustafa Mahmoud Square to the Shooting Club in Dokki.

“I believe the event was somewhat successful; we did catch the attention of the drivers, with some even stopping to ask about our programs and supported the cause. It is this awareness that we aim to achieve in order to help those children,” said Nehal Refaat, one of the organizers.

“Also being on the street gives us more credibility to the children themselves, because these kids don’t trust us and are very difficult to open up and tell us their stories. Those who have been on the street for years are more resilient to the idea of getting back to their families, so we want them to understand that we are there to offer them shelter and other kinds of help when they are in danger.”

These NGOs offer rehabilitation programs that initially aim to re-integrate the child into his or her family and the organizations enroll them in an educational program or a crafts program depending on their needs.

“We try to get the children back to their families to get them off the street, and then to make them stay there we offer to help them make money by enrolling them in a crafts program that allows them to make an income,” said Gad Allah.

Many children run away again to the streets due to abuses they face with their families.

Amira Abdelhamid, one of the founders of the student-led organization On the Curb, believes that the problem of street children will worsen in the near future if the government does not initiate a solution.

“Right now, we have a third generation of street children and these are the children that have been born on the streets to other street children through intermarriages,” explained Abdelhamid.

“That is increasing the number of street children greatly and it’s posing a danger to those young kids. Unless the government drafts bylaws and implements them and includes the whole nation in the process of providing shelter and other rights to these children, then the efforts of the NGOs alone will not solve the problem,” she said.

Detentions and arrests
More than 200 street children were detained and referred to military court since army tanks were deployed in January 2011. The children were accused of congregating (an offence under the emergency law), carrying Molotov cocktails or ‘white’ weapons, inciting violence and burning of public property.

According to Tissue Box, an initiative formed by activists providing legal aid to street children detained by the military or police, in February 2011, Mohammed Gaber a 15-year-old mentally challenged boy was arrested by the military police on his way home to Alexandria. His cell phone was confiscated and he was blindfolded, hand cuffed and jailed in a military prison for a week in 6th of October City.

“Children that are detained by the military and taken to its courts or prisons are very difficult to find. It takes weeks to get in touch with them,” said Doaa Abbas, a lawyer and expert in children’s rights.

Gaber was able to contact his father through another inmate after he was moved to Borg Al-Arab Prison in Alexandria. After spending one month in jail he was released with injuries from being beaten constantly and electrocuted, according the testimony posted on Tissue Box’s website.

Violations of the Law
A law drafted by the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood in 1998 aimed at ensuring the rights of children from birth until reaching 18 years.

The same law was later amended in 2008 to secure more rights, most importantly the right to have an identity, the right to an education, medical and health attention, nutritional food, and the right to safety. The law also sets regulations for when the child commits a crime or a felony.

During the clashes between the police forces and protesters on Mohamed Mahmoud and Kasr Al-Ainy Streets last November and December, street children were an easy target for arrest and detention.

“The children that were arrested throughout the past year were violated in three clear ways,” said Abbas, “They were beaten and that is a violation to their sense of security and humanity. They were filmed and that is a violation to the law that prohibits the filming of children without their consent or forcing them to make a statement such as committing crimes, and finally imprisoned with adults and criminals, which was the case when we found the children in Tora Prison after they were sentenced by a military court.”

According to the law, children should be referred to juvenile court if they are under the age of 18 to ensure their security.

“It is very dangerous to imprison a child with adults because they are easily manipulated and assaulted; it is inhumane. We as a group of lawyers are going to fight for the rights of these children and ensure that they are not an easy catch,” Abbas added.

Runaway children
Experts attribute the phenomenon of street children to their families’ abuse, where children who are forced to work attempt to escape this hostile environment.

“Many children that live in the street run away from home because they are forced to work and their parents take their money and beat them. To them the street has its own glamour and adventurous spirit and so they prefer to stay on the street. Of course that is when they are exposed to rape, assault and drug abuse and they join gangs,” said Gad Allah.

“Street children are always violated, and don’t receive their basic rights. They are denied education because they don’t have ID cards or birth certificates especially if they were born on the street. They are not given good food and always have health issues and are mostly denied medical treatment in public hospitals,” she added.

Further hardships that face street children are due to people’s perception and attitudes towards them. Gad Allah told Daily News Egypt that while there was a ruling that allowed street children who do not know their biological father to receive a birth certificate with the mother’s name, employees at the registration offices refuse to comply, thus denying the child medical care and a right to enter schools.

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Khairat Al-Shater, the presidential candidate of the Muslim Brotherhood, holds a press conference in Cairo on April 9. (AFP Photo/Khaled Desouki)

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CAIRO: While it remains unclear how well last minute contenders Omar Suleiman and Khairat Al-Shater will do in the presidential election, experts argue that the US is leaning towards the latter for his economic policies.

In post-Mubarak Egypt, the US administration was forced to engage in dialogue with the Muslim Brotherhood which dominated the parliamentary elections and emerged as a front-runner for the presidential polls.

Nathan Brown, professor of political science and international affairs at George Washington University, explains that there are clearly some candidates who are viewed as far more challenging to US-Egyptian relations. He cited ultraconservative Hazem Abu Ismail, if he stays on the ballot.

“But the US does not have a favorite candidate. It does want to see further economic liberalization in Egypt; there are fears that populism would be unsustainable,” Brown said.

“Here it is Al-Shater's policy positions, not his wealth, that the US finds reassuring. The Freedom and Justice Party – perhaps because of Al-Shater's leading role – has begun to sketch out some detailed policy positions in economics,” he explained.

The US however has kept a low profile and remains tight-lipped about the candidacy of both Al-Shater and Suleiman, drawing uncertainty over who it will support.

“Suleiman's candidacy is a surprise; his victory would plunge Egypt back into a pre-revolutionary position and might be bad for the country's stability,” Brown added. “I see no evidence that the US is backing him.”

Earlier this week, Al-Shater made his first official media appearance in a press conference, throwing his campaign’s weight over the economic developments he is set to achieve if elected.

“It’s very important that, within the current gap we’re facing now, to depend on local, Arab and foreign investments in development programs,” Shater said. “Some people with ideological agendas might ask, ‘Engineer Khairat supports privatization and private sector?’ I say there is no other choice for Egyptians except to focus on financing a great deal of development projects outside the state budget.”

According to a former Brotherhood member Haitham Abou Khalil, who has close ties inside the movement, a number of closed meetings took place between Al-Shater and officials from the US administration including Senator John McCain last February.

Khalil explains that during the meeting with McCain, Al-Shater assured the US administration that if he is to win the election, he would ensure a growth of foreign and private investments in Egypt.
Earlier this month, a US congressional delegation met with Al-Shater, underlining that their talks were “interesting and enlightening.”

The five-member delegation, headed primarily by representatives from the Democratic Party, however downplayed the meeting, saying they had pre-scheduled the meeting with Al-Shater before his nomination for Egypt’s top post.

“As far as Al-Shater goes, he certainly has given reassuring signals to the US in two areas: economic policy and Camp David. On the first, he seems to be leading the Brotherhood in a liberal direction. On the second, he also seems to be part of the Brotherhood’s efforts – however reluctant – to insist that the treaty will be honored (though renegotiated),” Brown explained.

“That is enough to make him seem less threatening to the US. But I certainly don't see him, or anyone else, as America's candidate.”

Local newspaper Al-Shorouk’s deputy editor Wael Gamal echoed Abou Khalil’s claim of a meeting between Al-Shater and McCain, however, he said that the Brotherhood later denied this discussion.

Gamal added that it’s a common knowledge that the Brotherhood still maintains close relationships with the Mubarak-era businessmen, inviting them to official events.

“What we cannot ignore is that the Brotherhood is using the same economic policies that the people rose against,” Gamal said. “They don’t want to create a conflict with corrupt businessman. Whatever Al-Shater had to say during his press conference is a guarantee to all businessmen in the country that ‘we will not come near you’.”

Magda Kandil, director of the Egyptian Center for Economic Studies, explained that Egypt’s economic problems can be attributed to privatization in addition to the deterioration of the public sector.

She explained further that if the Brotherhood is serious about addressing unemployment and the current economic situation they have to follow the right model which is not only privatizing companies but also creating a balance between the need to reform the public-private institutions in Egypt’s economy.

“Al-Shater is known to have a good network of business relations around the globe which then might help the economy with investments,” Kandil said. “Yet to say whether the US supports him for this [economic strategy] is very difficult to say, it may be that they are trying to capitalize on his potential business network.”

On the other hand, Marina Ottaway, a Carnegie Endowment senior associate, says that the US administration does not favor the candidacy of Al-Shater, given his affiliation to the Brotherhood.

“The US is worried about the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood,” she said, “because it recognizes that it is a rising power that can no longer be ignored, but that does not mean that it is happy about the situation. The rumors that the United States supports Al-Shater are based on a deep misunderstanding of the US position.”

Abu Khalil agrees with Ottaway, describing the US as the “snake” that only aims to reach its target, explaining that the US administration cannot limit its ties with Egypt through the rulers only but molds itself to whatever the Egyptian people prefer.

“For the past year, the military has been the main interlocutor for the US,” Brown added. “But the US has been developing a better ability to speak with civilian political actors in Egypt. That might be a bit disconcerting at times to the military council, but it is an inevitable development.”

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Deana Shaaban’s creative silhouettes results in comfortable clothes with a modern notion of femininity.

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After the sour, confused mood of late, young Egyptian businesses and brands are flourishing, giving a clear statement that regardless of all ongoing political and economical turmoil, all is well and all shall be well. Nothing reflected that attitude more articulately than the spring and summer collections of two Egyptian designers: Amina Khalil and Deana Shaaban.

Although the two young women produce clothes of entirely different looks, they share a similar approach to the collections, highlighting femininity and comfort.

In this summer’s collection, Khalil elaborated on her ideas of kaftan-inspired silhouettes and local prints whilst Shaaban thought of combining two themes: Little House on the Prairie, the much-loved American children’s’ novel, with African prints.

The two collections are very different, but they overlap in their sense of optimism.

Khalil premiered her collection at a trunk sale and runway show held at the Nile-side restaurant, Leftbank. Models walked the runway wearing flowing harem pants with bright flower prints, gauzy vests made from chiffon, cotton knit and jersey, and tailored shirts deconstructed so that the wearer can play with its hood and layers to wear according to their desire and comfort.

Magentas and purples were some of the most striking colors in the collection, and Khalil used geometric motifs, inspired by Egyptian carpets, on bags and belts. The collection is modular and many items can be bought and combined together by the wearer.

Khalil has managed to stick to her brand’s identity and objective of using Egyptian-inspired silhouettes and patterns, moving away from the revolution-themed colors and motifs of last year. It is interesting watching Khalil’s collections and tastes grow as the brand ages, but I would like to see that same attitude of Egyptian themes and comfort being used for more streamlined looks one can wear in the city. Khalil’s looks are ideal for beach or casual wear at night.

Shaaban’s collection was exhibited at the new pop-up event venue 18.213 in Maadi, a perfect spontaneous backdrop to the designer’s energetic self.

Though Shaaban’s collection is more muted in color — mustard yellows, olive greens, some reds and blues — the shapes were energetic: skirts, voluminous billowy pants and tops were knotted, layered and cut with origami like slits.

Though I didn’t like her choice of fabrics, finding them dull and flat, I think Shaaban has talent that can produce clothes that don’t necessarily have to be mainstream, but are in line with more global trends, because her approach to silhouettes is creative and original. More contemporary fabrics would have pushed her collection to the next level.

Pieces by Amina Khalil can be purchased at:
Amina K.,
24 Thawra Street, Dokki, Mohandiseen, 7th Floor.
Telephone: 233360969
www.facebook.com/AminaK.Egypt

Pieces by Deana Shaaban can be purchased at:
Theodor’s: 12 Emarat Al Shahid, (opposite Villa 1.), Rd. 15, Maadi.
www.deanashaaban.com

A design by Amina Khalil incorporates jersey and free flowing chiffon.

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The Brotherhood may be first to yield in the game of brinkmanship, to avoid inheriting an economy in tatters. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)

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CAIRO: In all but ruling out an early agreement on an IMF loan, Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood has dramatically raised the stakes in its struggle with the army-led administration for control of a country still reeling from a year of political turmoil.

The Brotherhood's candidate for president, Khairat Al-Shater, said this week the group would not accept an International Monetary Fund loan unless its terms were changed or a new government was formed to monitor how it is spent, demands that almost certainly won't be met.

Even without a loan before the presidential election in May and June, whoever comes to power will be forced, sooner or later, to impose hugely unpopular taxes and cuts in government spending to reduce budget and balance of payments deficits inflated by a year of political and economic turmoil.

But any delay in securing a loan brings closer the prospect of a fully fledged fiscal crisis that would mean a jump in consumer prices and interest rates, a sharp devaluation and huge pressure on banks.

It's a game of brinkmanship in which the Brotherhood might be first to yield to avoid inheriting an economy in tatters, fearing it will end up taking the blame for painful measures that the current government has repeatedly delayed.

The country's transition to civilian rule will culminate at the end of June, when the military hands power to a newly elected president for whom the economy will be a top priority.

In the 14 months since the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egypt's army-backed government has been supporting the economy largely by drawing down reserves and borrowing from domestic banks, with interest rates having risen to historic highs as funds grow tighter.

The government has spent more than $20 billion in foreign reserves to prop up the currency since last year's uprising. Reserves fell by another $600 million in March to $15.12 billion, equivalent to less than three months worth of imports.

Economists warn that with foreign reserves running low, the country risks a disorderly devaluation of the currency unless it secures new sources of funding. A political or economic shock could increase pressure on the pound if it prompted people to switch funds out of pounds and into dollars.

"If the IMF deal falls through, then the likelihood of foreign capital returning to Egypt will diminish and there will be no let-up in the pressure on the currency," said HSBC economist Simon Williams.

Barring shocks, the country should have a big enough financial cushion to see it through for at least three months, until an elected government is installed with a popular mandate to push through an IMF agreement.

The IMF, however, has demanded broad political support before it signs any agreement, in particular from the Muslim Brotherhood, whose Freedom and Justice Party won nearly half the seats in the new parliament.

Shater said he was not opposed to a deal in principle, but only to the plan to disburse part of it while the army-backed transitional government remained in power.

He said the Brotherhood might accept an IMF deal if the loan's first installment was reduced to $500 million from the current plan of paying out more than $1 billion immediately upon signing.

Declining foreign reserves

Economists say the central bank still has enough foreign reserves to hold on well past the presidential election without having to devalue the pound.

"Capital flight has already taken place, and that's going to leave the central bank having to cover a shortfall of around $600-750 million a month from here on," said Williams, who estimated the government could hold out for another six months.

But other economists warn that an outbreak of political violence could provoke capital flight and disrupt tourism, which has yet to recover since last year's uprising. Similarly, a spike in oil prices could drive up the cost of imported fuel.

The next three months hold potential political minefields, including the increasingly polarized presidential election, a heated battle over the wording of a new constitution and the verdict in the politically charged trial of Mubarak, which is due to be read out on June 2.

Any resulting drain on dollars could exhaust the ability of the central bank to defend the pound, which it has allowed to weaken by only 3.5 percent against the US dollar since the uprising.

"Failure to secure help from the IMF would make a disorderly devaluation more likely. In this scenario, the pound could overshoot, falling by perhaps 50 percent or more against the US dollar," Said Hirsh of Capital Economics wrote in an April 5 research note.

"The costs to the economy would be severe. This is likely to lead to a spike in inflation, sharp hikes in interest rates, a potential banking crisis and rapid fall in asset prices."

Earning dollars

The government has been searching for ways to earn foreign exchange to take the pressure off its reserves.

In November it began selling one-year treasury bills denominated in U. dollars, an instruments that has now raised a total $4.75 billion, and on March 24 it began selling parcels of residential land to Egyptians living abroad, a measure it hopes will eventually earn it $2.5 billion.

It also wants to sell $1 billion in certificates of deposit to Egyptians living abroad, but the plan has been delayed by technical problems over their issue in one Gulf country, the planning minister said last week.

Another option would be to implement capital controls to block major shifts in funds.

One currency trader said rising concerns that the currency is headed toward a devaluation has dried up the trade in Egyptian non-deliverable forwards (NDFs).

"The NDF market is totally broken. Hardly anything trades now," said the trader said. "There is no confidence in a remedy or timing of it, so no one is providing liquidity."

"The large majority of players believe that it's all but inevitable that the currency will go unless there is a serious action plan, so why bother selling US dollars further than three months?"

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An Egyptian army captain (top R, no name given) addresses the crowds to show his support for protesters demonstrating against the military rule in Cairo's Tahrir square on Nov. 27, 2011. (AFP Photo / Odd Andersen)

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CAIRO: On a warm Wednesday morning last October, around 500 Egyptian army officers based at the Air Defense Institute on the outskirts of Alexandria staged a mini revolt.

According to a lieutenant colonel with direct knowledge of the protest, the men were angry about the punishment given to a fellow officer by his superiors. After refusing to train, the officers demanded to meet either Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, the head of Egypt's military and in effect the country's acting president, or his second in command. They wanted to meet the commanders, they said, to make the case for better treatment.

"Their reasoning was: Egypt is having a revolution and they too have demands," the lieutenant colonel said.

The rebellion, unreported before now and confirmed by three other officers in the unit, lasted several days. As Egyptians were calling for quicker and deeper change — demands directed at the military council that runs the country — at least one part of the country's military was itself split.

The popular protests that ousted Hosni Mubarak last year were rooted in the yawning gap between rich and poor, and the desire to get rid of a leader about to enter his fourth decade in power. The wealth in Egypt was, and is, controlled by a small and often uniformed elite. To most Egyptians, Mubarak, a career officer in the air force, was both symbol and cause of those inequities.

As in the country, so in the barracks. Over the past six months, more than a dozen serving or recently retired mid- and lower-ranking officers have said they and their colleagues see Egypt's revolution as their own chance to win better treatment, salaries, and improved conditions and training. They are tired, they said, of a few very top officers becoming rich while the vast majority of officers and ordinary soldiers struggle.

As the military and the Muslim Brotherhood both press their own candidates ahead of the presidential elections scheduled for May and June — former intelligence chief Omar Suleiman entered the race as the army's choice last week and Khairat Al-Shater, the Brotherhood's deputy, two weeks ago — the tensions in the lower ranks shed light not only on the country's most powerful institution but on Egypt itself.

"Military ranks struggle like the rest of Egyptians because, like Egyptian society, the wealth of the military is concentrated at the top and does not trickle down. You have to reach a specific rank before wealth is unlocked," one major said.

Tantawi, his Chief of Staff Sami Annan and other top commanders have moved to contain the officers' frustration, holding regular meetings with military units in an attempt to boost morale and assure soldiers that their salaries will be raised and their concerns addressed, military leaders and mid-ranking officers who have attended the meetings said.

That seems to have placated the disgruntled officers, who say they will hold off on pushing their demands further until the ruling military council hands over power to an elected civilian government. But they insist they need real change.

"We have a moral obligation to remain steadfast and support the process," one colonel said, echoing a widely held view. "But when we return to our barracks … commanders will have to address our demands."

Factories and land
Numbering at least 468,000 men — officials refuse to give the exact number saying it could hurt national security — Egypt's combined army, air force, air defence command, navy and paramilitaries make up the largest military force in the Arab world. More than half of those in uniform are conscripts.

Senior military officers have dominated Egypt's politics and large chunks of its economy since seizing control in a 1952 coup. Just as Mubarak did, Tantawi presents Egypt's armed forces as a bulwark against the spread of Islamism and potential chaos. The military, one general said, is the "only competent and long-standing institution" capable of maintaining bilateral relationships with other countries. Western diplomats mostly agree with that assessment.

One of the keys to the military's power is its grip on business, which was strengthened after Egypt's 1979 peace deal with Israel. Under that accord, the military had to shrink its forces. But instead of sacking hundreds of thousands of men, commanders opened factories to employ them. Those plants now produce everything from components for ammunition to pots and pans, fire extinguishers and cutlery. The military also runs banks, tourism operations, farms, water treatment plants, a petrol station chain, construction firms, and import companies.

Businesses owned solely by the military are exempt from tax, and often built on the backs of poorly paid conscripts, who make between $17 and $28 a month, although they are fed by the army and receive basic medical help. "A conscript goes into the army less for training, and more for working in one of the military factories or business schemes," said Ahmed Naggar, an economic analyst at the Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies.

Khalil Kandil, chairman of the Chamber of Metallurgical Industries, said the armed forces enjoy another big advantage: "Who is asking the military factory to pay back its investments and to pay taxes and to pay for natural gas and electricity? They can keep losing (money) for years."

Opposition politicians and many ordinary Egyptians want the military's budget and economic and land holdings to be made public. But senior military figures want to protect their position and argue that Egypt's new constitution must shield the military from the instability of political change.

Analysts say the military establishment is likely to retain significant powers, no matter who wins the two-round presidential election.

Disentangling the military from Egypt's economy and institutions could take years. Zeinab Abul Magd, economy professor at Oberlin College in the United States, estimates the military controls about a third of the entire economy. Egypt's land planning authority says the armed forces have de facto control over all unused land in Egypt, or about 87 percent of the country. Civilian projects almost always need military consent in case there is a risk to national security.

Retired senior officers often hold powerful positions in civilian institutions; an Egyptian official said this practice will continue.

American dollars
Arab International Optronics (AIO) sits on the outskirts of Cairo, a beautiful garden at its entrance. The factory, a joint venture between the military, which owns 51 percent of the firm, and France's Thales, was founded in 1987 and makes and upgrades military equipment such as thermal imagers and tanks. It exports to Britain, France, Germany, Libya, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, makes enough money to fund itself, and employs 400 staff, most of them trained abroad. Staff benefits include free transport, free meals and half of the cost of annual haj pilgrimages.

"The company was founded when technology was hard to get from abroad because of political constraints on Egypt," AIO boss Major General Nabil Amer said in December, referring to limitations on imports and technology set by the 1979 peace deal. "Most of AIO's revenue is spent on military research and the development department."

Military leaders point to businesses like AIO as proof that the $1.3 billion in military aid Egypt receives every year from the United States is not enough for the country to keep up with rivals such as Israel and Saudi Arabia. Many soldiers feel the US money benefits American arms manufacturers and forces Egypt to buy outdated weaponry. Egypt, they say, needs to be able to make its own money to advance.

Military leaders boast that their businesses help the country. Mahmoud Nasr, Tantawi's assistant on financial affairs, said the army has given the state LE 12 billion ($1.99 billion) since early last year.

"The armed forces will not allow any interference into its business projects. This is a matter of national security," said Nasr.

Now that the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist parties control the assembly that is drafting a new constitution, the military is determined to protect its role.

"Previously the military budget was subject to specific laws and was not in any constitution," said General Mamdouh Shahine, who is responsible for legal affairs on the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which has run Egypt since Mubarak's ouster. "But now we want to bring it under the new constitution to ensure stability. By adding budgetary clauses to the constitution, I am simply asserting a reality that has existed for a long time. What is the problem with that?"

The aid rankles civilian leaders as well. In 2009, according to a US embassy cable obtained by WikiLeaks, Egypt's then prime minister Ahmed Nazif met US officials to ask for $50 million in development funds. But he knew the government was also asking for military funding.

"I sometimes feel like I am competing with Field Marshall Hussein (Tantawi) and he is winning," Nazif, who was given a suspended jail sentence for corruption after Mubarak fell, told embassy officials.

“A system of patronage”
The spark for the soldiers' rebellion in Alexandria was a brutal episode in Cairo. On Oct. 9 last year, a group of Coptic Christians converged on Cairo's television station to protest at the burning of a church. In a neighborhood called Maspero, the protesters clashed with soldiers; about 25 civilians were killed.

The army says soldiers were also killed in the violence. The lieutenant colonel with direct knowledge of the rebellion at the Air Defence Institute said one officer and 22 soldiers died. Those who survived were seriously injured and some were disabled, according to a source at the military judiciary. Among other things Air Defence Institute officers demanded financial compensation for the families of those dead.

Money has long been the cause of frustration in the lower ranks of Egypt's military.

"The army is the richest institution in Egypt, yet a large group of officers feel disenfranchised," said a retired general in Cairo. The wealth, he said, "is concentrated in about 15 percent of the army's officer corps, upper ranks, who remain loyal through a system of patronage."

Elite officers can make millions of dollars, according to junior officers, get access to special clubs and seaside resorts and retire into cushy corporate jobs or political positions. A low- to mid-level officer gets about LE 2,500 a month before bonuses, about the same as a Cairo taxi driver.

There are also problems with training, which four senior officers said was evident in the poor handling of tanks and armored personnel carriers on the streets during last year's protests. At Maspero, inexperienced soldiers in charge of armored carriers injured protesters inadvertently, one recently retired general responsible for devising training systems for the military said.

The protesters in Alexandria also wanted the chain of command to be decentralized, so they could respond more immediately in a crisis.

Low-level officers say the high command has allowed all those grievances to fester.
The unspoken rule, said the lieutenant colonel, dictates that soldiers "stay away from politics or organized religion, don't outshine your commander, don't think about improving the system."

After attending an operation on Jan. 17 that combined units of the three main branches of Egypt's Second Field Army — air defence, air force and infantry — Tantawi defended the military's training methods, and promised salary increases. "What we saw today in the drill of the accuracy of fire and efficiency in performance reflects the high capacity the armed forces have achieved."

“Time to speak out”
To get its way in the new Egypt, the military will need to rely on the Islamist parties, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, which now control parliament. It has kept up a strong intelligence network to ensure the Brotherhood does not infiltrate military ranks, according to mid-ranking officers. While most soldiers and officers are religious, the military does not allow religious organizations to set up within its ranks.

Leaders of the Brotherhood have stressed the need to work with the military. But the Brotherhood's decision to enter the presidential race worries the military leadership. Senior Brotherhood figures have also said they will amend the new constitution before the end of the current parliamentary period.

In the army-run International Medical Center where former president Mubarak has been held during his trial, a major's cell phone rings with the melody of a popular song that honors the people who died in Tahrir Square last year. "My country, my country, I love you my country," the lyrics go.

"When you are in the seat of power for so long, you cease to have a vision to make things better," the major says.

Officers with knowledge of the military council say it could be reshuffled after the election. But don't expect a revolution. "It is like an in-house replacement, like what happens on a board of directors who offer their CEO a retirement package," the general said.

Could mid- and low-ranking officers attempt a takeover? Insiders doubt it.

"You must remember that at the end of the day, the army is patriotic," said the colonel.
"Many of the rank and file refuse to rebel because they feel the country depends on them and they are the last institution standing. They want change but they would rather wait until a civilian government is formed."

Last year, as the protests gathered pace, Ahmed Shouman, a Cairo-based major, handed in his weapons and joined the crowds demanding an end to Mubarak's rule. Shouman was tried for quitting his army unit without permission, found guilty but then pardoned.

He returned to Tahrir Square last November. "It is time we spoke out against the wrong and corrupt," he told Reuters then. "We must stop being afraid. The military council does not represent the rest of the army. I call on the military council to step down."

Shouman was re-arrested two months ago for "actions that harmed the armed forces" including talking to the media and criticizing the military. A military court sentenced him last week to six years in prison. –Additional reporting by Tom Pfeiffer.

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Mohamed Morsi (L) and Mohamed Badie (C) announced that the Muslim Brotherhood and the FJP will nominate Khairat Al-Shater (R) for president. Al-Shater, who wasn't present at the conference on Saturday, is seen in a 2007 file photo during investigations that led to his conviction.

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CAIRO: The surprising nomination of Deputy Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood Khairat Al-Shater for the presidential elections will only be in favor of candidates affiliated with the former regime as it will split the Islamist vote, analysts concluded.

"Candidates belonging to the former regime are the ones who are benefiting the most from Al-Shater's nomination, because simply it will split the vote of the Islamist candidates who are willing to confront the old regime remnants," researcher in Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Nabil Abdel Fattah told Daily News Egypt Sunday.

In a press conference aired live on Saturday, Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood, Mohamed Badie, said that the group had to change its previous decision of not contesting the presidential race due to drastic changes in the political scene.

"We have witnessed obstacles standing in the way of parliament to take decisions to achieve the demands of the revolution," said Mohamed Morsy, head of the Freedom and Justice Party.

"We have therefore chosen the path of the presidency not because we are greedy for power but because we have a majority in parliament which is unable to fulfill its duties in parliament," he said announcing the decision to put Al-Shater’s name forward.

Badie read a statement by Al-Shater declaring his resignation from his post as deputy supreme guide to run for presidency.

"After it was decided to field my name in the presidential elections, I can only accept the decision of the Brotherhood. I will therefore resign from my position as deputy chairman," Al-Shater's statement said.

"There is a real threat to the revolution and to the democratic process," the Brotherhood's Secretary General Mahmoud Hussein said during the conference explaining the reasons that led to the U-turn in the group’s decisions.

The group that dominates a majority in the parliament decided earlier to sack its veteran member Abdel Moneim Abol Fotoh when he decided to run for the top post, fiercely opposing his presidency and threatening its members of a similar fate if they decided to back him.

In addition to Abol Fotoh, Salafi candidate Hazem Salah Abou Ismail enjoys wide popularity among the ultraconservative community. Due to numerous statements critical of the ruling military council, both are described by supporters as revolutionary figure.

With Al-Shater in the race, both candidates are expected to lose votes from Egypt’s Islamist constituency.

"Al-Shater's nomination will harm Abou Ismail more than Abol Fotoh," Abdel Fattah said.

The target voters of Abol Fotoh, the analyst explained, are not from the same category as Al-Shater’s.

"Abol Fotoh targets youth and those who adopt a moderate thinking of Islam, while the target of Abou Ismail is very similar to those of Al-Shater," he said.

Abdel Fattah believes that the Salafi community, main target voters of both Abou Ismail and Al-Shater, will be split between both of them.

"We have to put in mind that 52 in the MB Shoura Council voted against the decision to nominate El-Shater, those votes will definitely go to Abol Fotoh," Abdel Fattah added. Fifty-six members of the decision-making council of the group voted for Al-Shater.

Professor of political science at the American University in Cairo (AUC) Rabab El-Mahdy agreed with Abdel Fattah, but said that Abol Fotoh and Abou Ismail will be equally harmed.

"In the parliamentary elections, 70 percent of the total voters simply voted for Islamists to counter the remnants of the old regime. Now after Al-Shater is nominated, this bloc will split to the three strong Islamists, leaving more space for the remnants to win," explained El-Mahdy, who also works with Abol Fotoh’s campaign.

"Both Abol Fotoh and Abou Ismail will be affected. The Salafi Al-Nour Party and most of the Salafi Sheikhs will go for Al-Shater, and some of the MB members who intended to vote for Abol Fotoh will go for Al-Shater," El-Mahdy added.

The ultraconservative Al-Nour Party is yet to announce its candidate of choice.

Researcher of Islamic movements Abdel-Reheem Ali told DNE that Al-Shater's nomination will only affect the Islamist vote as liberals, leftists, and the revolutionary youth will never vote for him.

"Al-Shater's candidacy will not just split the votes for the sake of the candidates affiliated with the former regime, but it will encourage those who voted for the Islamists in the parliamentary elections not to do the same in the presidential race," he explained.

The decision to nominate Al-Shater despite earlier pledges not to has put the credibility of Islamists in general on the brink, and this will fuel reluctance to vote for Islamists, Ali added.

"Islamists now will be seen in general as not fulfilling their promises, failing to achieve the demands of the revolution inside the parliament, which will be in favor for the old regime-affiliated candidates," he said.

Al-Shater's nomination: confrontation or a deal?
The general consensus, which also relied on previous Brotherhood statements, was that the group was reluctant to shield all political responsibility at this critical stage. Many relied on this theory to prove that the Brotherhood won’t contest the presidential race. Generally conservative in its politics, the group was also seen as treading a fine line of diplomacy with the ruling generals. An alleged power-sharing deal has been repeatedly denied by both sides.

The recent development, which came a week after the group started an exchange of critical statements with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, accusing it of backing the “failing” Cabinet of Ministers and a jab at the revolution, left analysts confused between two theories.

Some saw Al-Shater's nomination as a clear confirmation of a deal between MB and the SCAF to weaken the chances of the two outspoken Islamist candidates in favor of the candidates affiliated with the ousted regime, which would better serve SCAF’s interests.

Others saw the nomination as an escalation in the confrontation with SCAF, challenging the generals’ plans to dominate the scene after officially ceding power.

"This is not only a breach of their promise, but deliberate defiance of the SCAF," a Western diplomat told Reuters, adding the U-turn suggested the group was worried others could disrupt its rise to power.

"The Brotherhood is so close to power they can smell it, but they are so scared that someone else will snatch it from them," the diplomat said.

The Brotherhood and its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party, have become increasingly critical of the army-appointed Cabinet, led by Prime Minister Kamal El-Ganzoury. The group wants to form a new government under its leadership, citing the FJP’s majority in parliament. The SCAF on the other hand rejected these attempts, citing powers granted by the constitutional decree it wrote to appoint and sack the ministers.

"The truth is that they are proving each day that power is their only goal," Ahmed Said, head of the liberal Free Egyptians Party, told CBC TV, saying the Brotherhood appeared to have taken the decision when it found "that it can't control the government."

"Al-Shater is the real power center and he is struggling to expand the group's powers within Egypt's system and institutions against the generals' will," expert on Islamist movements Khalil El-Anani told AP.

"The heart of the conflict is the new political arrangement, the power sharing scheme and what share the Muslim Brotherhood would have," El-Anani said. "The Al-Shater card will complicate the game and push the relationship with the ruling military council to risky ends."

The legal stance of Al-Shater further complicates the situation. He received two different prison sentences by a military court under ousted president Hosni Mubarak. One of which was in 1995 from which we was officially pardoned by SCAF.

He was pardoned by SCAF for the 1995 conviction. The latest ruling, which was handed down in 2006, is still on his record. While he was released for health reasons last year after the uprising that ousted Mubarak, Al-Shater was yet to receive another pardon by SCAF before his Saturday nomination. The Brotherhood lawyer said Sunday that Al-Shater had indeed received the second pardon.

"His nomination is definitely a declaration of a fiery political war against the SCAF, as the MB will be depicted as attempting to manipulate all the state branches and the process of drafting the constitution," Abdel Fattah explained.

"The keys of the game are now only in the hands of the ruling military council," he added.

Ali, on the other hand, said that the deal scenario was not realistic; adding that presidency for the MB now is their last resort if the parliament is dissolved.

The High Administrative Court referred to the Supreme Constitutional Court a recommendation to deem the candidacy of a third of the parliament members as unconstitutional as this third was initially allocated for the individual seats to be contested only by independents.

Members affiliated with political parties contested these seats, and the third became mostly dominated by Islamists as well.

The same court will also issue another verdict against the formation of the Islamist-dominated constituent assembly to draft the constitution, as 50 percent of the panel is chosen from inside the parliament, which critics regard as contradicting to the constitutional declaration.

"What if the parliament is dissolved and constituent assembly was deemed unconstitutional? What's left for the MB then? They have to run for presidency to make sure they still have their grip on the power," Ali theorized.

"The MB is aiming for the worst case scenario. They cannot even form a deal with another candidate from outside the group, because this candidate may break the deal once he wins the top post," Ali added. –Additional reporting by agencies.

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Hazem Salah Abou Ismail struggles to enter the Presidential Election Committee to submit his papers late Friday, surrounded by thousands of supporters. (Daily News Egypt Photo/Hassan Ibrahim)

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CAIRO: Amid much fanfare, presidential hopeful Hazem Salah Abou Ismail submitted his candidacy registration documents on Friday.

A massive human chain lined the streets across the capital, starting from Asad Ibn El-Forat Mosque in Dokki through Sixth October Bridge and Salah Salem Road in Heliopolis where the Presidential Election Committee (PEC) is located.

The ultra-conservative Salafi candidate has collected 150,000 powers of attorney to submit along with other required documentation, according to Mostafa Fahmy, Abou Ismail’s personal assistant.

Presidential hopefuls who are not members of established parties represented in parliament must either submit the endorsements of 30 parliamentarians, 30,000 eligible voters from at least 15 provinces or secure the backing of a political party represented by a minimum of one seat in parliament in order to qualify as candidates.

“The idea of the human chain or march from Dokki to Heliopolis was that of Abou Ismail’s supporters who wanted to make a statement about how much they love and support their candidate,” Fahmy said.

“It is also for transparency; we did not buy or fabricate those powers of attorney, as the number of people on street exceed the number of proxies by a landslide,” he added.

“[Abou Ismail] is one of us, he is decisive and will guide the nation through this period, he does not have any personal agenda like other candidates running in the elections,” said Fahmy.

Lining the streets with posters and pictures, Abou Ismail’s supporters appeared to be from different walks of life, not necessarily the typical Salafi with the long beard or women wearing a full face veil.

Some supporters were in T-shirts carrying the candidate’s picture or holding blue balloons, the official color of the campaign.

“His slogan is ‘Living with Dignity’ and that is what the Egyptian citizen lacked in the past 30 years and what we believe Abou Ismail will bring back,” said Abdel Moniem Ibrahim, 43, who was carrying a poster and waiting for the candidate outside the PEC headquarters.

Young men and women were there to show their support for the candidate.

“He is not in any way affiliated with the corrupt [former] regime and he has a sound electoral program which works on freedom and social justice, the two demands people gave up their lives for in the revolution,” said Noha Mohamed, 28.

The thousands filling the streets of the capital Friday in support of Abou Ismail is a wake up call to the others, said Talal Mujahed from the campaign.

“This is the reality on the ground, this is just a glimpse of his supporters,” he said.

Campaign posters and banners of Abou Ismail are everywhere, filling the streets and flaunting the wealth of his backers.

On the other hand, there were also passersby who frowned on such massive support.

“Is he [Abou Ismail] a true representation of the Egypt … Egypt with its modest approach to Islam, its love for arts and culture and its tolerance?” asked Manar Abdel Hamid, 54.

Others questioned the funding of the campaign.

“We want to know where he gets the funds for all this campaigning,” said Shokry Essam, 57.

A massive human chain lined the streets across the capital, starting from Asad Ibn El-Forat Mosque in Dokki through Sixth October Bridge and Salah Salem Road in Heliopolis. (Daily News Egypt Photo/Hassan Ibrahim)

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Cabinet ministers attend a parliament session on March 11. MPs could take a no-confidence vote soon to sack the government. AFP PHOTO/STR

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CAIRO: Parliament speaker Saad El-Katatny urged a People’s Assembly committee during Monday’s session to present its response to the government's statement by the end of this week for discussion, a step believed to be geared towards a no-confidence vote.

MP Hatem Azzam, representing the Civilization Party, questioned why it was taking the PA's "special committee" so long to issue an official response to the government's statement.

The Freedom and Justice Party, which dominates the parliament majority, had repeatedly expressed its intention to take a no-confidence vote to sack the military-appointed cabinet. With resistance from the ruling military council and arguments about the lack of legal provisions allowing the parliament to do so, the FJP seemed to be backing off.

Last week, the PA said that it would start procedures to pass a no-confidence vote after listening to statements from the ministers of international cooperation, aviation and justice regarding the NGO trial.

Forty-three Egyptian and foreign defendants belonging to foreign NGOs are facing charges of operating without a license and receiving foreign funding illegally. Egypt suddenly lifted a travel ban on the foreigners facing trial, and six Americans were among 13 people allowed to leave Egypt, raising suspicion of foreign intervention.

MP Ashraf Thabet of Al-Nour Party and head of the committee responsible for responding to the government's statement argued that the committee needed more time to finalize the wording of the response before it is presented to the PA.

He added that it would be ready by the beginning of next week.

Criticism against the government heightened after Prime Minister Kamal El-Ganzoury's statement to parliament last month, which again focused on the worsening economic conditions.

"This statement wasn't appropriate for a transitional government that should have cited a specific plan to get through the three remaining months," political science professor at Cairo University Karim Adel-Razeq told Daily News Egypt on Monday.

Appointed by the military council last November, El-Ganzoury is due to stay in office until a new president is elected. Egypt’s first presidential election after the ousting of Hosni Mubarak is slated for May 23-24.

On the other hand, Abdel-Razeq argued that assigning a new government with less than two months left before the election might not be in the country's best interest.

"The new government won't have enough time to get acquainted with the new post and issue decisions in less than two months," he said, adding that the new president is expected to sack the government anyway.

The Muslim Brotherhood slammed the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) for maintaining the "failed" government in a statement issued on Sunday.

"Had these flagrant catastrophes occurred in any other democratic country, the government would've resigned immediately," read the statement referring to the Port Said football massacre, which left over 70 dead last month, as well as the NGO case, which many see as compromising the independence of Egypt's judiciary.

"It's not in SCAF's best interest to get into clashes with the PA to maintain a transitional government," Abdel-Razeq said, "but it might believe it's not in the country's best interest to make such a drastic change in government with the upcoming presidential election."

The MB statement refuted allegations that the PA doesn't have the jurisdiction to pass a vote of no confidence against the government, in defiance to SCAF.

According to the PA bylaws, one of its authorities is to issue a vote of no-confidence against the government if it sees fit. Article 62 of the constitutional decree approves all previous bylaws and laws issued before the constitutional decree, according to the statement.

"The PA can even make criminal accusations against a minister or a ministry according to chapter 7 in the PA bylaws," MB spokesperson, Mahmoud Ghozlan, told DNE.

Lawyer and professor of constitutional law at Cairo University, Raafat Fouda agreed, citing an article in the constitutional decree stating that the PA would take over its responsibilities in legislating laws and holding the government accountable for its actions, after its election.

"One of the main aspects of the PA's responsibilities is interrogating the government and passing a vote of no confidence if it's proven guilty," Fouda previously told DNE.

Mohamed Morsi, the head of the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm, the FJP, echoed Ghozlan in a statement on Sunday, saying that the "trembling" government had to be replaced.

Ghozlan said that the 19 PA sub-committees refused the government's statement. The Freedom and Justice Party, the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm, dominates around 47 percent of the PA.

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Pope Shenuda III, the spiritual leader of the Middle East's largest Christian minority, sits dressed in formal robes at the Saint Mark's Coptic Cathedral in Cairo's al-Abbassiya district, so that people can see him and pay their respects on March 18. AFP Photo/Khaled Desouki

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CAIRO: Just hours after his announced death on Saturday, thousands of inconsolable Coptic Christians flocked to the Cairo and Alexandria Cathedrals, uniting to mourn the death of a leader and “father” figure, Pope Shenouda III of Alexandria.

Shenouda's body, dressed in a golden crown and formal robes, with a gold knobbed staff cradled on his shoulder, was placed upright on the papal throne in the Cairo Cathedral where it will remain on display until his funeral on Tuesday.

Based on wishes stated in his will, Shenouda will be buried at St. Bishoy monastery of Wadi Natrun in the Nile Delta, where he spent his time in exile after a dispute with late president Anwar Sadat.

In Cairo, thousands of people crushed through the Cathedral doors on Saturday and Sunday, showing their cross-tattooed wrists to pass through, a symbol many Coptic Christians use to distinguish themselves in a predominantly Muslim society.

Many shared words of grief, some consoled each other, while others shared their concerns.

“Be patient,” said one young man as a group of men pushed and yelled at each other to enter the Cathedral in the Abbaseya district of Cairo. “If you aren’t going to put up with each other now, when will you learn?” he asked with lament.

Not only was Shenouda the spiritual leader of the community, but the 88-year-old also served as a representative of the Coptic Christians when it came to political issues.

An adamant supporter of ousted president Hosni Mubarak from 1981-2011, Shenouda believed in “keeping the peace,” known by his followers for his words of wisdom, love and patience.

While critics saw him as limiting the representation of the Christian community to one figure, many Coptic Christians saw Shenouda as the bridge, communicating their worries to the country’s predominant Muslim leaders.

“He taught us to be forgiving even towards our enemies,” Mounir Yehia, a 54-year old cleric at the Cairo Cathedral, told Daily News Egypt.

“This is terrifying. He was not only our leader, but a father to us all,” Yehia said with a devastated, solemn look on his face.

Kamil Seddiq, the secretary of the Melli Council of the Orthodox Church in Alexandria, said the Pope’s death was “a big loss to the Egyptian people, Muslims before Christians. He was known for his patriotism and his concern for the unity of the nation.”

As Church leaders flocked to Cairo for the Tuesday funeral — and Cairo Airport was preparing to receive foreign dignitaries — Seddiq said the Alexandria Cathedral will set a date later to receive condolences. All prayers held in churches across the country now are unofficial and are the result of individual efforts in an ode to the Pope, he said.

According to the Church’s bylaws drafted in 1957, less than 2,000 prominent Church and community leaders including bishops, archbishops and heads of monasteries will be deciding on Shenouda’s successor.

In the meantime, the grief-stricken Coptic community will continue through this “worrying” phase, as Egypt’s political and social arena remain unpredictable.

With Egypt’s first presidential election since the ouster of Mubarak slated for May, and as drafting the new constitution gets underway, Yehia fears that there will be nobody to speak on behalf of the Coptic minority, who make up about 10 percent of Egypt’s 85 million.

As Egypt continues to undergo political changes since the January 25 uprising in 2011, last Christmas, for the first time ever, Shenouda sat down inside the Cairo Cathedral with leaders of Muslim Brotherhood, whose political arm dominates the country’s post-revolution parliament.

“There is a radical Islamist front moving in on Egypt and their ideas are worrying, because they are reaching so many people so fast,” said Yehia. “Even some of our Muslim brethren reject these radical ideas, so you can imagine how worrying this is as we begin to draft our first constitution.”

For many Copts, Shenouda was their voice and their savior.

“He used to represent the Copts in front of the regime figures, nobody could do that but him,” said Hanan Fikry, a young founding-member of the One Nation for Development and Freedom, a non-government organization that pushes for participation of Egyptian Christians in the public sphere.

In the eyes of the Coptic community in Egypt and around the world, this was a man who truly loved and cared for the Christian community in Egypt, a people who often feel voiceless and vulnerable, struggling to be heard.

“Even if we didn’t agree with some of his politics, we can’t deny his accomplishments, whether representing us in front of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or the parliament,” said Fikry, who had slammed the SCAF for their responsibility in the killing of 27 protesters during an October crackdown on a mostly Coptic demonstration.

Members of SCAF also attended the Christmas celebrations at the Cathedral in January.

“The country’s leaders need to tread lightly now when dealing with the Coptic community, because they have become orphans,” she added.

But, despite their grief over the loss of Shenouda, who has been Egypt’s Coptic Pope for the past 40 years, Egypt’s Christians are hopeful that the patriarch’s departure will push more members of the community to stand up for their rights.

“Since after the revolution, the Copts have found their way out of the Church and started asking for their rights. The Pope’s death will make Christians even bolder and braver when demanding their rights on their own,” said Fikry.

She was concerned, however, that the SCAF, who respected the Copts out of reverence for Pope Shenouda, might turn their backs on the Coptic community.

But for Fikry, the Coptic community itself is changing.

“We are starting to see ourselves as Egyptians, not just followers of the Pope. We saw the [path] to ask for our rights.”

Similarly, Andrew Isaak, a 25-year-old Christian activist and filmmaker, hopes that the Pope’s departure will encourage Egyptian Christians to revolt within the Church against any leader they find oppressive or unrepresentative of their concerns.

“I hope that whoever replaces him never interferes in politics. What is being said about the Pope now, regarding his involvement and support for the regime should be a warning to the coming Pope of the consequences of getting involved in politics,” said Isaak.

He was referring the criticism directed at the late Pope for his support of the Mubarak regime. Muslim clerics as well as church leaders had advised citizens against participating in the 2011 uprising that eventually toppled Mubarak.

Isaak believes that because Shenouda was a pious leader and a giving man who truly loved the Coptic community, his political “mistakes” which kept the Christian community quiet for decades will not be remembered.

“He will only be remembered for his good deeds, which are plenty. But I want to see the Coptic community go out into the streets and demand their rights,” he added.

“I want to see the Coptic Community revolt and demand their own rights, not to follow the orders of a religious leader who tells them when to protest and when not to speak.” –Additional reporting by Abdel-Rahman Youssef in Alexandria.

Tens of thousands flock to the Cathedral in Cairo on Sunday. (Daily News Egypt Photo/Hassan Ibrahim)